Raimot (30) had always wanted to study abroad. So, when the opportunity presented itself, she jumped at it and said goodbye to Nigeria. In the midst of adjusting to a new life and settling down, she experienced a mix of the good, the bad, and the ugly.

Where do you live at the moment, and when did you leave Nigeria?

I’m currently in Italy, and I left Nigeria in October 2022.

Why did you move to Italy?

I relocated because I got a scholarship to study. 

Was that your plan all along?

Yes, when I was at university in Nigeria, I knew if I was going to get a master’s degree, it wouldn’t be in Nigeria. I had been trying to study abroad since around 2017 or 2018. Initially, Italy wasn’t even part of the plan. It was all about the US. One of my biggest priorities was securing full funding. I started applying to US universities around 2018, and in 2020, I finally got an adviser. For people in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Maths (STEM) and research fields like mine, you often need an adviser who can support or fund your research.

So what happened?

Everything seemed to be going well. The professor told me I could apply by around July, but then COVID-19 happened. After that, I stopped hearing from him.

To be honest, I still don’t know what happened to him because he used to be very responsive. I even checked his website, but there was no updated information. At some point, I just thought, Maybe we lost him. So, I moved on.

Then one day, I was scrolling online and came across the . I checked the requirements and immediately noticed that they had scholarships. By then, I’d been applying for years, so I understood the process a bit better. I looked at everything and thought, It looks like I have a better chance here. Let me shoot my shot.

The application opened in November, and I submitted mine in the first week because I was already prepared. I just had to edit a few documents.

Twenty-four hours later, I got an email saying my application had passed the first evaluation stage. I was happy, but I had been through this process before, so I knew that wasn’t the main issue. The biggest thing was funding.

What happened after you passed the evaluation stage?

The scholarship list was supposed to come out in March, so we waited and waited. I remember the day the results came out. I was at work and just praying, God, I beg. The information was that successful applicants would get an email, and the list would also be published online.

So I kept refreshing my email. Then, around noon, I saw an email pop up. I was in the cold room at work, and the moment I saw the highlight, I hadn’t even opened the email yet, I screamed. That was what changed everything for me. Honestly, that was the beginning of Italy.

What was your family’s reaction to the news? 

My family knew about the process, so they were very excited that I would be leaving because it鈥檚 something I鈥檝e always wanted.

How did you fund your travel and living expenses in Italy as a student?

I was awarded the Padova International Excellence Scholarship, which funded my studies and living expenses in Italy at the time. 

Did anything impress you when you finally arrived in Italy?

To be fair, I don’t think I was impressed when I first arrived. I came during winter, and everything was strange. It was also my first international flight, so I was just taking everything in.

Really? So, when did your first big impression happen?

The first time I actually thought, 鈥淥h, wow, I think I like this place鈥�, was when I started classes. I found out that, depending on the university, you could rewrite an exam up to three times. And not just because you failed. If you got a score you weren’t comfortable with, you could choose to rewrite the exam.

So, if the grading was over 30, maybe you got 20 and wanted 28 instead. You could reject the score and try again. I’m someone who really loves excellence in everything I do, so when I heard that, I was like, Wow. This is good. It gave me the feeling that I could pursue the level of excellence I actually wanted from my degree. 

What course did you study at Padova?

I studied Marine Biology and specialised in aquaculture production and management 

The Big Daily is your weekday shortcut to the biggest news shaping Nigeria. We cut through the noise, connect the dots, and explain why the news actually matters, all in one quick read.

Outside the classroom, what was your first real struggle with life in Italy?

The language barrier. Italy isn’t an English-speaking country. Though my programme was taught in English, and my professors spoke English to us, the community itself wasn’t English-speaking.

It was very difficult and frustrating to communicate. Even with a translator, it wasn’t always easy. Sometimes, someone would literally tell you, 鈥淚’m sorry, I don’t speak English,鈥� in English. 

Why do you think this is?

It was obvious. They weren’t interested in communicating in English. It was either Italian or they wouldn’t speak with you at all. That was probably the biggest challenge I faced when I first arrived.

How did you navigate this challenge of language?

I am so poor at learning the language. I tried registering for an Italian class and using Duolingo, but most of the time, it’s the Google Translate app to the rescue.

Sounds like a culture shock. Were there any others you experienced?

Yes, one would be paying for nylon bags to pack their groceries. They also value family time. Italians have a particular lunchtime everywhere, both in corporate environments and local communities. By 1鈥�2 p.m., everywhere will be closed, including pharmacies. I’ve had that experience a couple of times when I needed to buy something. I’d forget they’d be closed and already walk for minutes, or even take a bus, before I realised it. So, I had to wait until they reopened their shops.

I actually like that culture. Some people can even be inside their shops during lunchtime, but they won’t attend to anyone. Some may go home to their families for a meal and then come back to their shops.

How did you sustain yourself after graduating?

I didn’t get a job immediately after graduating. One good thing about Italy, though, is that you get a one-year post-study period to look for a job. During that period, you can legally remain in the country while figuring things out.

Another thing is that the job doesn’t necessarily have to be in your field. As long as you get a job that gives you a contract, you can use it to apply for a work permit.

At first, I was looking for research assistant roles and other opportunities in my field, but I couldn’t find any. It was challenging.

So I had to go back to the odd jobs I used to do. I worked in a supermarket, helping with stock arranging and all. I did that for months before I eventually got my current job in my field.

What do you currently do in Italy?

I work as an aquaculture technician. The job is to care for aquatic species and ensure they grow well in their habitats. 

Would that be your advice for any Nigerian abroad struggling to get a job in their field of study?

Sometimes, you have to survive first before you find the career you actually want. You can’t always insist that it has to be your field. Bills have to be paid. You have to eat. You have to be okay.

Who or what helped you survive emotionally during that period of job scarcity?

One thing I always say is that going abroad isn’t a journey you should do alone. You need good people around you. You need people with similar interests and people you can confide in.

I have colleagues here who have become more than colleagues. We share opportunities and support each other. And back home, I have a very strong community of friends. Honestly, my friends can lay down their lives for me.

So during that period when I was trying to transition into the career I actually wanted, that’s how I survived. Financially, I took the jobs that were available. Emotionally, I had support both in Italy and back home.

Was there anything about the Italian system that made you think, 鈥淎h, Nigeria could actually emulate this鈥�?

For me, it was the willingness of professors to help students. I’m not saying every professor is perfect. I don’t expect everyone to like me, just as I don’t like everybody. But I believe that if you’re in a room of 100 people and 80 of them are willing to help you, you focus on the 80.

In my experience, most of my professors were willing and ready to help, especially if you showed up, participated in class and made an effort. You didn’t always have to know somebody or pay somebody before you could get support.

What’s one experience that gave you this impression?

One of the best examples was when I was looking for an internship. I’d planned most of my journey from the beginning, and I knew I didn’t want to do my internship in Italy. I wanted to explore another part of Europe.

I was applying through LinkedIn and other platforms, but nothing was working. It was always, 鈥淯nfortunately鈥︹��. Then one day, I decided to speak to one of my professors. I liked his course and participated actively in his classes, so I felt comfortable approaching him.

I told him I wanted to do my internship outside Italy. He started mentioning Spain and Portugal, but I said, 鈥淧rofessor, I love Europe, but maybe Germany, Canada or the Netherlands?鈥� I wanted to explore places with stronger economies. He said he’d look into it. 

What then happened?

Two or three days later, he sent me an email saying one of his colleagues had reached out because they needed an intern in Germany. He asked if I was interested.

I was like, 鈥淎h! I love Germany!鈥� He simply forwarded me the person’s email and asked me to send my CV and application. There wasn’t even a formal application process like that. They needed someone, reached out through their network and found someone through a recommendation. That’s how I got my internship in Germany.

And that taught me something important about the European job market. Sometimes, your grades and skills aren’t enough. Recommendations and relationships can open doors, too.

That’s why I always advise people not to just go to class, say hello, and go home. Build genuine relationships because those relationships can help you long after you finish studying.

When life gets overwhelming, what do you do to unwind?

I love videos and pictures. If I’m overwhelmed, I make myself happy by dressing up, visiting places, taking pictures and making videos. The memories make me happy.

Hmm, sounds nice. Italy is popular for romance. Any gist for the timeline?

No gist oo. I  got married two months before my relocation. So, there’s no space for any relationship that is strictly not business or just a casual friendship.

Nigerians abroad usually say they encounter racism. Can we say you’re an exception?

No, I’ve actually experienced racism a couple of times, actually.

Could you share one?

The first one I can’t forget happened with a bus driver. I had an exam that morning, and my school was about an hour away, so I had to leave early.

It was winter. I got to the bus station and waited for the bus. I was the only person at the bus stop at the time. When the bus came, I waved it down. But instead of stopping, the driver just drove past me.

I cried that day. And it wasn’t because I was going to miss an exam. It was because the driver didn’t see me as important enough to drive me. Another bus came about 30 minutes later, and I got on it. Thankfully, I’m a 鈥渨hat if 鈥� person, and that’s why I left my house very early. Otherwise, I’d have missed that exam.

How did that make you feel?

What hurt was that I’d already been standing outside in the cold for about 45 minutes. I had my jacket and gloves on, but I was already freezing. Then the bus finally came, and the driver just left me there.

I stood there crying and asking myself, What is the meaning of this? To me, there was only one reason he did it: I was Black and the only person at the bus stop. That experience has stayed with me since. There’s another one that was as heavy as that.

That’s a lot. And you said there was another experience?

Yes. This one happened in an academic setting, and I feel like people don’t talk about this type of racism enough. There was a professor whose course was closely related to an area I was very interested in. I actively participated in her classes, and at one point I thought she could be a good supervisor for my project.

So I reached out to her by email, which is the normal process. But she wouldn’t respond. Even if she replied today, the next reply could come weeks later. I kept wondering what was happening.

Then I was talking to another international student who mentioned that they had found a supervisor. I asked who it was, and when they mentioned the same professor, I realised they had sent an email just the day before, and she had already responded positively.

I’d sent my own email weeks earlier. I thought, 鈥淥kay, maybe she didn’t see it鈥�. So I sent a follow-up to my last email, but she didn’t respond. I sent another one, still no response. I sent the third one. I didn’t get any response. That was when I stopped reaching out. But I thought she could have just said no. Meanwhile, I used to notice a certain attitude with her during classes. I was pained because she could have just responded.

Sorry about that. So, how do you navigate dealing with racist people and places that may not be too comfortable for you?

Racism is everywhere. I just focus on the good ones. There are days their actions make me question why I am there but then, some of them have been so nice and kind to me when they don鈥檛 have to.

Is there any plan to come back to Nigeria?

Yes. I’ve lived here for a while, but I’m not an abroad person. I’m a proper Yoruba. I like going out and parties. Sometimes, I feel like life is short here. If you don’t make time for fun stuff, you’ll realise you’re just working and working.

It might sound strange to people, but I might come back after weighing my long-term options. However, I have to be strategic about it.

What’s one thing you’d want any Nigerians thinking of coming to Italy to know?

Bureaucracy is very real here. Many things take a long time. And to find good jobs in Italy and progress in any career, you cannot joke with the language. You must learn Italian. Otherwise, you may not get a job at all, or you may end up with a job you can’t survive on.

How would you rate your experience in Italy on a scale of one to ten?

I’d say 7.5. Italy is treating me well to a large extent. So, I give them their flowers. 

If his political career still doesn鈥檛 ring a bell, during the #EndSARS protests in 2020, he was also accused of tagging Nigerians using social media as 鈥�,” It was during this time that he pushed for the censorship of social media. An allegation he .听

And if this still doesn’t ring a bell, then there is another chance to catch up because the new gist is that brother Elliot has found himself in the news for another dramatic reason.

On Sunday, September 14, 2026, Desmond Elliot was filmed before Femi Gbajabiamila, the Chief of Staff to President Bola Tinubu, and apologising for his remarks during the of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the state. This may be a sign that personal loyalty has become entangled with political survival in Nigeria.

• Elliot on his knees/ Photo: Vanguard

What happened?

Elliot apologised to Gbajabiamila over the disagreement that followed the recent APC primary for Surulere Constituency I. He said he was sorry, had no excuse for his actions, and hoped he would be 鈥渃ultured鈥� in the future. He also appealed for forgiveness and reintegration into the Lagos APC political structure.听

The incident followed a dispute over the APC primary, which saw Elliot the party’s ticket to Barakat Odunuga-Bakare. Elliot had initially the process before eventually accepting the outcome and apologising to Gbajabiamila.

Before then, he had also come out to some powerful elements in the party were intimidating his supporters ahead of the primaries, while the same powerful deciders had withdrawn his security team. 

There is nothing wrong with apologising after a political disagreement. Politicians, like everyone else, can make mistakes, offend people and attempt to repair relationships. What’s concerning is that such an attempt shows how access to power is often tied to obedience to powerful individuals.

When political relationships equal political ownership

This Elliot issue and a few others suggest that in Nigeria, politicians can spend years building political careers around the support of a godfather, party leader, or influential political family. Once that relationship becomes strained, their position in politics can become weak, regardless of how many citizens voted for them.

That culture has been around for decades, and Lagos has provided some of its clearest examples.

Akinwunmi Ambode became Lagos governor in 2015 after he was anointed as the by Tinubu. By 2018, however, his relationship with influential figures within the Lagos APC structure had . He eventually lost the party’s governorship primary to Babajide Sanwo-Olu, ending his attempt to secure a second term.

The episode became one of the country’s most prominent examples of the influence political godfathers can have over the careers of elected officials.

Academic research on Nigerian godfatherism has also identified the Ambode-Tinubu relationship as a notable case of how powerful political actors can influence who gets a party ticket and who does not.

The same pattern appeared in Edo State. Godwin Obaseki became governor of Edo State in 2016 with the of Adam’s Oshiomhole, his predecessor and a major figure in Edo politics and the APC.

Their relationship later . By 2020, Obaseki was fighting to secure the APC’s ticket for a second term while Oshiomhole was the party’s national chairman. Obaseki was eventually from the APC primary process over issues relating to his credentials. He left the party, the PDP, and went on to win the governorship election against the APC candidate, Osagie Ize-Iyamu.

There is an interesting irony in all of this. Nigerian politicians themselves understand how damaging this culture can become.

On May 31 2025, Senate President Godswill Akpabio governors not to choose successors simply because those politicians were submissive to them. He specifically warned against selecting people who 鈥渒neel鈥� before them, arguing that governors should instead look for people with the capacity and vision to govern.

That warning gets to the heart of the problem because a politician who is selected primarily because they are obedient to the person who selected them may eventually have difficulty separating personal loyalty from public responsibility. 

The people lose when politicians cannot stand independently

Political slavery might look like an internal party matter when it happens between politicians, but its consequences eventually reach ordinary Nigerians.

When politicians spend considerable energy maintaining relationships with godfathers and political patrons, public office can become less about delivering on a mandate and more about preserving political relevance. A lawmaker may hesitate to oppose a powerful party figure. A governor may avoid confronting an influential political ally. A prospective candidate may accept a weak party primary because challenging the process could mean losing access to the political structure that determines their future. See the case of our brother, Elliot. 

All of these instances create a strange situation in which voters elect politicians, but powerful individuals sitting in one corner of their room can determine whether those elected politicians are allowed to continue.

It also affects the quality of people who enter politics. If obedience is rewarded more consistently than more useful qualities, politicians who are good at building relationships with powerful figures may have an advantage over people who are better equipped to govern but unwilling to become political slaves.

The Big Daily is your weekday shortcut to the biggest news shaping Nigeria. We cut through the noise, connect the dots, and explain why the news actually matters, all in one quick read.

Political mentorship versus political independence

Before you say the criticism of political godfatherism can easily become a criticism of political relationships themselves, there’s an explanation for that. 

Politicians need mentors who can advise them, support their campaign, and help them navigate political institutions. Younger politicians can also legitimately show respect to older politicians who have helped them. None of that is the problem.

The problem exists when a politician’s relationship with a powerful mentor becomes so important that they cannot act independently without risking their political existence.

A quick look at what happened in Osun recently. Soon after the governorship election, which got Ademola Adeleke from the Accord Party a second term in the government house, he travelled to Abuja to his certificate of return to President Tinubu of the APC.听

The Federal Capital Territory Minister, Nyesom Wike, in his usual manner, came out to say he was the one who Adeleke to pay a thank-you visit to the president. 

This was after the Minister of Aviation and Aerospace Development, Festus Keyamo, congratulated Adeleke on his re-election and said 鈥�.鈥� We wonder what the agreement was that made the APC and Osun State Accord Party align to that extent. 

Where do we go from here?

Desmond Elliot’s decision to apologise to Gbajabiamila may ultimately be a personal and political matter between two people who have known each other for years.

Elliot is entitled to decide how he wants to manage that relationship, and an apology does not automatically mean that he has done something wrong by showing respect to a senior politician.

But the reaction to the video is valid because Nigerians have watched this style of politics play out repeatedly. Political careers are now built around powerful patrons. And politicians who fall out with those godfathers can quickly learn just how impossible it is to survive when thrown underwater in Nigerian politics.

Nigeria’s democracy needs political parties with stronger internal institutions, candidates who can build genuine relationships with voters, and elected officials who understand that their first responsibility is to the people they represent.

While political loyalty and personal relationships will always matter, neither should become a substitute for democratic institutions.

Until that changes, Nigeria will continue producing politicians who know how to navigate powerful people but struggle to build people-centred administrations strong enough to outlive them. And that wouldn’t help Nigerians, would it?

Finding a house is supposed to be straightforward: decide what you want, find an agent who can help you find it, and pay for it. Unfortunately, house-hunting can sometimes feel like a test of patience, finances, and blood pressure. We asked Nigerians to share some of their house-hunting experiences, and their stories expose a huge regulatory gap in Nigeria鈥檚 housing and real estate sector, and the urgent need to fill it.

Promise, 26 (F), Benin

I had just finished NYSC in 2025 and wanted to move out of my parents鈥� house, so I started looking for a self-contained apartment with specific features. I could message about 10 agents in a day and still get no response. When they eventually replied, the houses they showed me were not even close to what I asked for.

Some would insist they had exactly what I wanted and invite me for inspections, only for me to get there and wonder if we’d been discussing the same house. After paying inspection fees to several agents for houses I wasn’t interested in, I had spent almost 鈧�60,000.

Tobi*, 29 (F), Lagos

I started house hunting earlier this year and spent months at it. I paid inspection fees to at least 15 agents, between 鈧�10,000 and 鈧�20,000 each, only to be taken to houses that looked nothing like what I wanted. Sometimes, the agents didn’t even know the locations, and I’d still have to pay for their transport. Now I’m technically homeless despite paying for a house in May because the agent and developer handed me a structurally defective apartment where water pours through the walls and mould covers everything. I packed out in July, and instead of refunding me, everyone has become shady. At this point, I just want to buy my own house. 

Oladayo*, 28 (M), Oyo State 

I was relocating from Ogun State to Oyo State around June 2026, and paid an agent 鈧�400,000 as a commitment fee for a 鈧�1.2 million apartment. The agent later told me someone else had taken the house and kept promising to refund me. When I eventually visited the apartment, I found someone else living there and discovered from the landlord that the agent had never even remitted my 鈧�400k. For three months, the agent kept asking for my account details and promising to pay, but nothing happened. I eventually had to borrow money to rent another apartment, and he still hasn’t returned my money.

Fiyin, 26 (F), Abuja

I would explain exactly what I wanted to several agents, but they preferred to just collect inspection fees. On one occasion, I paid an agent and waited at our meeting point for more than four hours while he kept saying he was almost there. The rain beat me that day. I called him several times when I got back home, but he wasn’t answering my calls. The next day, he called and asked me to come for another inspection, claiming he had a better deal. I still went, and he showed me an apartment that I’m sure even he couldn’t choose to live in. When I asked for my money back, he said I either had to continue with the inspection or leave without a refund. He eventually walked away and left me there.

The Big Daily is your weekday shortcut to the biggest news shaping Nigeria. We cut through the noise, connect the dots, and explain why the news actually matters, all in one quick read.

Joseph*, 29 (M), Lagos

Houses in Lagos are ridiculously small. I once inspected a two-bedroom apartment that cost 鈧�2.2 million, and one of the rooms didn’t even have a window. The agent also kept taking us from one place to another without knowing where the keys were, so we’d sometimes wait for one or two hours before we could even enter a house. Most of the places were terrible, and even the roads leading to them were awful. The one week I spent doing house inspections was one of my worst weeks this year.

Olalekan, 31 (M), Oyo State 

I paid an agent an inspection fee. On the day of the inspection, he called another agent to show me around. The second agent had already shown me the same apartments, and I had already rejected them. When I asked for my money back, the new agent told me I either follow him to see the same houses again or forget about my money. That was when I decided I was done with agents. I started spending my weekends walking around the areas where I wanted to live, looking for available apartments myself and speaking directly with landlords.

Abdullah, 36 (M), Kogi

In 2025, our landlord sold the house a few weeks after I renewed my rent, and the new landlord gave us short notice to move out. I had to search for another place while also chasing the former landlord for my money. Most of the houses I found were either too expensive or came with additional charges, with some agents demanding fees and commissions that were almost half the annual rent. I kept paying inspection and transport fees without getting an apartment, and eventually, the pressure forced me to co-rent with a friend. What made everything worse was that the former landlord didn’t refund my money promptly, even though I hadn’t planned to move in the first place.

For many businesses, issuing an invoice has always been straightforward: sell your product or service, prepare the invoice, and send it to the customer. Under Nigeria’s , however, businesses may now have to send that invoice through a government-controlled digital system for validation.

What’s going on?

In August 2025, the Nigeria Revenue Service (NRS) its 鈥渆-invoices鈥� system in stages to enhance the efficiency of the country’s tax administration. The agency said this aligns with the digital transformation goals outlined in Nigeria’s Digital Economy Policy and Strategy (2020鈥�2030).

On February 17, 2025, it announced that it had started monitoring to ensure that large companies with annual turnover of 鈧�5 billion or more with the electronic invoicing initiative. 

• NRS Chairman Zacch Adedeji/Photo: The Guardian

The NRS is rolling out the e-invoicing system in . Large taxpayers with annual turnover above 鈧�5 billion were the first group, while medium taxpayers earning between 鈧�1 billion and 鈧�5 billion annually were scheduled to go live from July 1, 2026. Emerging taxpayers with annual turnover below 鈧�1 billion are expected to begin from July 1, 2027.

Before you say, 鈥�Na Nigeria we dey, we go see how e go be,鈥� there is a reason businesses may want to pay attention. Under this initiative, failing to process a taxable supply through the fiscalisation system can a 鈧�200,000 penalty, plus additional financial consequences.

According to the NRS, the system is designed to make tax compliance more transparent by allowing invoices to be generated, transmitted, and validated electronically. Validated can also carry unique identifiers, QR codes and other digital features that make transactions easier to track.

On paper, it sounds like Nigeria is finally dragging into the digital age. In practice, though, we are about to find out whether a system that depends heavily on technology can survive in a country where the internet sometimes disappears during important transactions, and electricity can take an unscheduled holiday.

First, businesses must register聽to access e-invoicing

Before businesses can begin sending invoices through the platform, they must be and with the NRS Merchant-Buyer Solution (MBS).

Depending on how a business currently operates, this could involve registration, software integration, and technical support. Larger companies with existing accounting systems may be able to connect those systems to the e-invoicing platform easily, while smaller businesses may have to make a more significant transition.

This means that for a small business owner, doing the work of an accountant, receptionist, social media manager, and CEO, the experience will be a lot more stressful.

There could also be a problem for businesses that still rely on manual records, notebooks, or basic spreadsheets to track sales.

Nigeria may be moving towards digital tax compliance, but not every business has arrived at the digital bus stop yet.

Problem number 2 

The e-invoicing system is built around digital transmission and validation. That means the internet is a major player. And Nigerians know how unreliable that can be. 

Imagine completing a transaction with a customer and trying to generate an invoice, only for the network to begin its famous disappearing act. If this happens at that point, the business owner may have to start praying.

Nigeria’s connectivity are not new. Poor service quality, unreliable connections, and infrastructure gaps have continued to affect businesses and individuals across the country. A system that depends on real-time digital processes will therefore have to deal with the reality that the internet is not always real-time in Nigeria.

Going digital costs money

Technology is rarely free, and is no exception. Some businesses may have to pay for software, system integration, technical support, and staff training before they can fully comply with e-invoicing requirements.

That might not shake a large company with an IT department and a healthy budget. But for smaller businesses, every additional compliance cost can feel like another person joining the queue to collect money.

Many businesses are already with rent, salaries, fuel, electricity, and multiple operating expenses. Adding the cost of new digital systems could make the transition more difficult, especially for businesses operating on thin budgets.

The long-term benefits may eventually outweigh the costs. But during the transition, some businesses may find themselves spending money simply to get ready to send an invoice.

National grid anthem

A lot of businesses rely on electricity, whether from the government, their own generators, or solar. The interesting part of a digital invoicing system is that it requires phones, computers, internet routers, and business software to work when they are needed. 

Many Nigerian businesses, unfortunately, still spend a significant amount of money generating their own electricity whenever the decides to excuse itself.

The point is not that Nigeria should avoid digital systems because they are imperfect. If the country waited for everything to work perfectly before modernising, we might all still be sending tax records through pigeons.

But experts the reality of how businesses operate has to be built into the system.

Not the first country to try it 

Nigeria is not the first country to make businesses report transactions electronically. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) several countries using systems that require businesses to transmit transaction data to tax authorities, including Chile, Colombia, Italy, Mexico and South Korea.

The difference is in when the government gets involved. Some systems validate an invoice before or as it is issued, while others allow information to be transmitted later or periodically.

Mexico and Italy, for example, use of a real-time clearance model, where invoices are validated around the time they are issued. Meanwhile, other countries use less immediate reporting arrangements. The OECD notes that electronic reporting can range from real-time transmission to periodic reporting or providing records only when tax authorities request them. 

Nigeria’s system does not necessarily have to choose between being completely real-time or returning to paper invoices and notebooks. The NRS itself already provides for different submission methods, including portal-based and API-based . But whatever model Nigeria settles into has to account for the small business owner whose internet has chosen violence and whose generator is currently drinking the day’s profit. 

The Big Daily is your weekday shortcut to the biggest news shaping Nigeria. We cut through the noise, connect the dots, and explain why the news actually matters, all in one quick read.

Can it handle so much data?

The e-invoicing system will not only collect tax figures. The NRS its platform processes and stores electronic invoices and compliance data, while its system can collect information relating to businesses and invoice validation. That means the government will be sitting on a significant amount of commercial and transactional information. 

The NRS the information is used to operate the platform, validate and store invoices, comply with tax and regulatory obligations, and address security and fraud risks. Its privacy policy also says information may be shared with authorised government agencies, regulators and service providers where necessary, while data is protected through measures including encrypted transmission. 

That is a good starting point, but businesses will still want to know exactly where the line is drawn. If Nigeria wants to watch every invoice passing through the system, taxpayers need strong safeguards to ensure their commercial information does not suddenly develop a life outside tax administration.

What happens when technology fails?

The government can reasonably expect businesses to comply with tax rules. But there is a difference between refusing to comply and being unable to comply because a system, network, or technical platform has failed.

A system designed to improve tax compliance cannot become another source of compliance wahala. Nigeria needs digital tax compliance, and businesses want a system that doesn’t fail.

Nigeria’s e-invoicing push could make tax collection more transparent and make it harder for transactions to disappear into the legendary Nigerian folder labelled, 鈥淲e don’t have the records.鈥�

What this project cannot afford is to operate on technology that is unreliable, open to cyberattacks, or prone to misbehaving and mismanaging user data. 

Where are we?

The NRS has already given businesses a taste of how demanding the transition could be. Large taxpayers were initially expected to fully comply with the e-invoicing regime by June 30, 2026, but the deadline was later to July 31 due to concerns about the time and complexity of onboarding and integrating existing accounting and enterprise systems with the NRS MBS. 

The extension came as many businesses were still racing to get their systems ready. For a system built around deadlines and compliance, the rollout itself has already shown that getting ready takes time. Everyone, including the NRS, is still adjusting to the new system, and that’s okay.听

What should you expect?

The rollout will depend on whether the government can make the system easy enough for businesses to actually use. Onboarding has to work. Technical support has to be available. Smaller businesses need enough time and support to adapt. And businesses should not find themselves facing penalties because the network decided to have a bad day.

Because if a business owner has to fight their accountant, internet provider, electricity company, software developer, and government portal before successfully issuing one invoice, then Nigeria may have digitised tax compliance without necessarily making it easier.

And knowing us, that would be a very Nigerian achievement.

So we dug into the appointments: What are these aides expected to do? What has the state already put in place for some of these appointments to click? What could all of this mean for Ondo鈥檚 resources?

• Governor Lucky Aiyedatiwa/Photo: Premium Times

A quick background

In March 2026, Aiyedatiwa all the Senior Special Assistants and Special Assistants in his administration. The reason? His government said it was part of an to improve 鈥渆fficiency and deepen service delivery.鈥�

At the same time, the governor plans to appoint about 1,000 new aides from the state鈥檚 203 wards across its 18 Local Government areas. Five months later, the appointments arrived.

So, what is actually going on?

The government the appointments are meant to 鈥渟trengthen governance and improve service delivery.鈥� But what exactly will 1,000 new political aides do that the previous ones couldn’t? 

The government said the new appointments span different responsibilities. These responsibilities cut across youth empowerment and job creation, students’ affairs, scholarships, forestry, oil and gas, grassroots mobilisation, public engagement, photography, volunteer services, and community engagement. There are also three special advisers responsible for environment, rural and community development, and transport. 

Some of these roles sound important. But then, we are curious to know what the state’s ministries, departments and agencies are doing. For instance, the state already has an education ministry and a .听

The same concern applies to public engagement, youth empowerment, forestry, and several other portfolios. If the point of all this is to make the government more efficient, then transparency should be central: Nigerians should see what these new positions add to the existing system and who the people tasked with these positions are. 

1,000 people is actually a lot of people

The Ondo government has not publicly disclosed the total annual cost of the 1,000 appointments. However, a estimated that the appointments could cost the state more than 鈧�3.7 billion annually, based on applicable remuneration for the positions.

That figure is a reported estimate, not an official figure from the state government. But even without accepting the estimate as gospel, it prompts us to wonder just how much Ondo wants to spend on these appointments, and what the taxpayers will get in return.

Meanwhile, according to Nigeria’s of the (RMAFC), the category listed as 鈥淪pecial Adviser/Member of (State) Commissions鈥� had a total annual remuneration of 鈧�4,562,901.50, translating to 鈧�380,241.76 per month.

The same RMAFC schedule also lists 鈥淪pecial Adviser to include other categories like Speech Writers,鈥� with a total annual remuneration of 鈧�7,091,493.75, or 鈧�590,957.81 monthly.

Now, let鈥檚 do the maths. If the state were to use the RMAFC figure of 鈧�380,241.76 monthly for Special Advisers as a benchmark for paying 1,000 aides, that would amount to about 鈧�380.2 million every month, or 鈧�4.56 billion a year.

And using the second category, which is capped at 鈧�590,957.81 monthly, the bill would rise to about 鈧�591 million monthly, or 鈧�7.09 billion annually.

So either way, and depending on which RMAFC category applies, the remuneration of 1,000 aides could amount to between roughly 鈧�4.56 billion and 鈧�7.09 billion a year.

Nobody needs to tell Nigerians that this is just huge.

Same old Aiyedatiwa

We tracked back a bit and found that in 2024, BusinessDay the cost of 344 political aides appointed by the governor and estimated their collective annual basic salaries at about 鈧�1.57 billion per year, excluding several allowances. At the time, Ondo was also with an estimated 240,000 out-of-school children. Two years later, the number of aides has increased significantly.

So what exactly is the governor looking for in these appointments to justify the expenses when there are 240,000 out-of-school children?

The Big Daily is your weekday shortcut to the biggest news shaping Nigeria. We cut through the noise, connect the dots, and explain why the news actually matters, all in one quick read.

And why 203 wards?

That’s another interesting detail about these appointments. When Aiyedatiwa first announced the plan in March, his government said the 1,000 new aides would be the state’s 203 wards.

That means roughly five people for every ward, on average. This could either primarily be an administrative structure or a grassroots political network. It would be hard not to assume the latter. But the government needs to explain why it needs such a large ward-level political structure and what measurable work each aide is expected to do.

After all, if these people are being paid from public funds, their responsibilities should go beyond helping the governor maintain political connections.

What else could Ondo do with the money?

Ondo’s own education documents identify in basic education, while previous by BusinessDay cited 240,000 out-of-school children in the state.

The state’s identifies a gap of 8,083 teachers in basic education and estimates a total budget of about 鈧�3.94 billion for teacher recruitment, training, welfare and monitoring of the 8083 teachers.

That is worth keeping in mind when looking at the potential cost of the new political appointments. The reported 鈧�3.7 billion estimate for the 1,000 aides is already close to the entire estimated cost of that teacher recruitment and deployment plan. And if the higher RMAFC remuneration figure applies, the annual salary bill for 1,000 aides could be a lot higher. 

The state also has around , , , and access to .

鈧�3.7 billion is a lot of public money, and Ondo has plenty of problems that could use it. These are not problems that can be solved by simply appointing more people. 

We did some maths to see what it could actually buy. Using the state government’s own estimated cost of about 鈧�3.94 billion for the recruitment, training, welfare and monitoring of 8,083 teachers, the 鈧�3.7 billion could fund almost the entire teacher recruitment plan.

In 2025, Osun State a contract for a brand-new Toyota Hiace 18-seater bus for 鈧�73.83 million. At that price, 鈧�1.48 billion of the 鈧�3.7 billion could buy 20 buses to ease movement for civil service officials.

In July 2026, Sokoto State a contract for 30 Toyota Hilux vehicles for security agencies at 鈧�1.59 billion, putting the cost of each vehicle at about 鈧�53 million. Another 鈧�1.06 billion could buy 20 of them to support security agencies in Ondo.

According to a 2025 on public school construction in Abia State, three blocks of six classrooms cost 鈧�204.2 million, or about 鈧�68.1 million per block. The remaining 鈧�1.16 billion could build about 17 six-classroom blocks.

For roughly 鈧�3.7 billion, Ondo could build 17 classrooms, strengthen security with 20 vehicles, and provide 20 buses to improve transportation for its civil servants. Basically, the money could touch three major parts of the citizens鈥� lives: education, security, and transportation. 

What Ondo residents should expect

Ondo has 1,000 new aides now. What it needs next is proof that they are worth it. If these appointments are really about improving governance and service delivery, residents should feel the difference in their schools, hospitals, roads, jobs, and communities. Because taxpayers are paying for a government that works, all 1,000 of them better get to work.   

That is what the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) happened in Anambra State on Sunday, August 30, when the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) published the names of 10 people as the party’s candidates for various State House of Assembly constituencies.

• INEC Chairman Joash Amupitan/Photo: The Guardian

There is nothing unusual about publishing candidates’ names. But in this case, the NDC none of the 10 emerged from its nomination and appeals process, was authorised by the party, or was submitted by its leadership to INEC.

Its National Chairman, Moses Cleopas Zuwoghe, INEC officials of replacing the party’s candidates with what he described as 鈥渋mpostors鈥� and called for an investigation.

INEC, however, it does not nominate candidates for political parties and has denied replacing the NDC’s candidates. The commission says the responsibility for nominating candidates lies with political parties, while its nomination portal maintains electronic records that can be audited.

Strange things are happening 

We went through the claims, the names published by INEC, and the explanations from both sides to see what can actually be established.

According to Zuwoghe, party stakeholders in Anambra, the national leadership, representatives of NDC鈥檚 presidential candidate Peter Obi, and members of its appeals panel agreed on a final list after the nomination process. He says that the list was signed off and uploaded to INEC’s nomination portal using credentials issued to the party.

Zuwoghe said that things got messy after that and alleged that nine of the names were left in 鈥淧ending鈥� status after the party uploaded its list. He explained that INEC officials told the party that those names were already in the commission’s system based on information submitted by officials who monitored the NDC’s primaries.

The party said it challenged the disputed entries and submitted the names it considered its legitimate candidates. However, the NDC claimed that INEC nevertheless retained the disputed names and later collected Form EC-9 directly from the affected individuals before publishing them as NDC candidates.

Well, after the NDC gave its account of what happened, INEC that it hadn’t tampered with the names, as it doesn’t nominate candidates.

The good news is that, according to INEC, activities on the portal are electronically logged and can be audited.

That means the records should, at least, provide a trail showing who submitted what and when.

INEC also said it would its electronic and documentary records concerning the constituencies named by the NDC and invited the party to provide evidence of any misconduct by its officials.

How did the names get there?

The question is no longer simply whether these ten names appear on INEC’s list. They do, according to the NDC.

The difficult part is establishing how these names got there. And this makes all the difference because if INEC is already facing these issues at the state level, how does it want to tackle the complexity of national elections?

The NDC’s allegation is specific: it says its candidates were submitted through the party’s nomination process and that different names were subsequently published by INEC.

INEC’s response is also specific: the commission says parties nominate their own candidates and that its electronic records can be checked to establish what happened.

That leaves Nigerians waiting for the one thing that could help settle the dispute: the electronic records INEC says can be audited.

Until INEC’s records and the NDC鈥檚 original signed list are made available, the public can only establish that there is a dispute over the 10 names, leaving them to wonder how it happened.听

The Big Daily is your weekday shortcut to the biggest news shaping Nigeria. We cut through the noise, connect the dots, and explain why the news actually matters, all in one quick read.

A small inconsistency 

There is also a small inconsistency in the NDC’s account of the incident. The party claimed that 10 names appeared on the Anambra list without its authorisation, and identified all 10.

But in explaining what happened on the nomination portal, Zuwoghe repeatedly referred to nine names being left in 鈥淧ending鈥� status.

It is not clear whether the reference to nine relates to a separate stage of the nomination process or whether one of the 10 disputed candidates was treated differently.

That is something the NDC should clarify, because its entire allegation rests on the sequence of events that produced the final list.

So, did INEC do it?

At this point, there is not enough publicly available evidence to say that it did. 

What can be established is that the commission published 10 people as NDC candidates for various State House of Assembly constituencies and that the NDC alleged that those people were not its candidates.听

For now, the ballot may have 10 names on it that one political party says it never asked to put there.听聽

These allegations cannot be swept under the rug or settled in secret. Somebody, somewhere, should be able to explain how this happened. 

Why does an independent investigation matter?

INEC also has a reputation to protect. This year alone, the commission has faced controversies that raised questions about its neutrality and the security of its systems.

First, old pro-APC posts allegedly linked to INEC Chairman, Joash Amupitan, resurfaced online, although INEC that he operated the account and said investigations pointed to impersonation.

Then, a screenshot containing actor Emeka Ike’s voter information was by Lere Olayinka, an aide to the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister Nyesom Wike, raising questions about how information from INEC’s backend allegedly got into political hands.

And just recently, on August 18, one of the factional gubernatorial candidates for the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Taofeek Adegboyega Adegoke, was on camera boasting that his name and those of his faction’s candidates were not the ones initially on INEC鈥檚 portal until he and God intervened. 

These incidents do not prove that INEC replaced the NDC’s candidates. But they show why the commission cannot afford to simply investigate itself and ask Nigerians to take its word for it.

An independent audit of the disputed records could help establish exactly what happened and, just as importantly, help INEC protect the public trust it needs to conduct elections. Because when Nigerians are already side-eyeing the referee, 鈥渨e investigated ourselves and found nothing鈥� may not be enough.

On Thursday, August 20, 2026, Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, the removal of about 30 buildings along the Ring Road 3 corridor linking Karsana, Gwarinpa and Kubwa.

• FCT Minister Nyesom Wike/Photo: TheCable

This was three days after the Acting Executive Secretary of the Federal Capital Development Authority (FCDA), Richard Dauda, Wike that the structures were encroaching on the Right of Way reserved for the road project.

Someone who has spent years paying for land, constructing a building or running a business from a property can lose much more than bricks and concrete when a bulldozer arrives.

Some of those affected have alarms about the notice they received before the demolitions, saying they didn’t have enough time to respond or make alternative arrangements. 

Affected renters have also shared similar concerns. In a that has now gone viral, an occupant of one of the affected buildings alleged that authorities had demolished the building less than five days into its 21-day vacation notice.

Why are these demolitions happening now? And why at this frequency?

It鈥檚 a planning problem 

Abuja has an interesting relationship with buildings. If you have enough money and the right people around you, there always seems to be somewhere to put a structure, sometimes even where a road, channel, or green area was supposed to be.听

For years, some of these developments have stylishly become part of the FCT landscape. Then the rain came, the flood followed, and suddenly the bulldozers came looking for the guilty buildings.

A closer look at the Gwarinpa demolitions revealed they are part of a larger crackdown in which the FCT Administration has pulled down structures across Abuja. 

The reasons for the demolition also vary. Some structures are accused of obstructing roads, while others are said to block waterways or occupy spaces reserved under Abuja鈥檚 master plan. 

In the case of Gwarinpa, a major road corridor is not exactly the kind of place that should be difficult to identify on a planning map. If the area had already been reserved for infrastructure, developments along it should have been stopped before they became buildings worth demolishing.

Instead, the city now has to deal with the more expensive version of enforcement as it tears down over 30 structures after people have invested money in them.

First came the flood鈥�

The heavy rainfall on August 15 parts of Abuja underwater, with residents dealing with flooded roads, damaged property and stranded vehicles. Maitama, one of the capital’s most affluent districts, the areas affected. Naturally, Abuja residents called out Wike over the incident, prompting the minister to conduct inspections in the city.

After inspecting some of the affected locations, Wike said buildings had been constructed on waterways and drainage channels identified in Abuja’s planning documents. He the immediate demolition of structures obstructing the flow of water and said the exercise would not spare property owned by politicians and other influential Nigerians.

The FCT administration said the exercise is part of a larger effort to restore Abuja’s drainage system and enforce the city’s development plan. That means the bulldozers are not only responding to the flood but also being used to reclaim spaces that the authorities say were never meant for buildings in the first place.

That, exactly, is where Abuja’s demolition story gets complicated because these buildings didn’t appear overnight.

A completed building can take months or years to plan, approve, and construct. Before someone puts a roof over a property in the FCT, there are supposed to be documents, planning approvals, inspections, and officials responsible for ensuring the development complies with the city’s .

Yet some of the structures now being demolished been standing for years. Wike himself some of the buildings affected by the demolition were constructed between eight and ten years ago.

That means the current demolition campaign is also exposing a long-running enforcement problem. If a structure was built illegally on a waterway, how did construction continue until the building was completed? 

If it were on a road corridor, who failed to stop it when the foundation was being laid? And if the owners obtained approvals for developments that should not have been approved, what happened inside the system that issued those approvals?

The people who built on restricted land have a responsibility to obey planning rules. But the government agencies responsible for enforcing those rules cannot simply become relevant when the bulldozers arrive.

The Big Daily is your weekday shortcut to the biggest news shaping Nigeria. We cut through the noise, connect the dots, and explain why the news actually matters, all in one quick read.

The planning problem didn鈥檛 start today聽

The demolition has also extended to other parts of the capital, including areas where the FCT Administration structures have been built on green areas and waterways.

Some of these areas have gradually been converted into commercial or residential spaces, making what was once intended as open land part of the city’s built environment.

Abuja’s planning problems did not begin this year, nor with Wike’s arrival. At the same time, they cannot be solved simply by counting the number of buildings a bulldozer has brought down.

Who approved all the buildings?

Abuja’s development is regulated by a system comprising the FCT Administration and agencies like the (DODC) and the (FCDA), which are responsible for land allocation, development control, planning and infrastructure. 

These agencies are supposed to ensure that buildings comply with approved land use and that developments do not interfere with roads, drainage channels and other public infrastructure.

When an illegal building is completed and occupied, there has already been a failure somewhere along that chain.

Sometimes the failure may be the fault of the developers who ignored the rules. Sometimes it may involve an official who approved or overlooked the development after money had changed hands. 

Whatever the excuse, the public deserves to know how buildings that allegedly violate Abuja’s planning rules survived for years before enforcement suddenly became urgent.

This is important when the government is demolishing expensive properties. The cost does not disappear when a bulldozer arrives. It is transferred to whoever paid for the land, constructed the building, rented the space, or built a business there.

So, what happens to the people losing their property?

The people whose buildings, shops, and businesses have been demolished are not interested in the debate about Abuja’s masterplan. No. It is about the money they spent, their crumbled livelihoods, and homes lost.听

The government has the power to enforce planning regulations, but enforcement must still follow due process.

Property owners and businesses affected by the demolitions concerns about notice and the speed of the exercise. 

For anyone whose property is genuinely built on a waterway or another protected area, the fact that money was spent on the property does not automatically make the development lawful.

But there are two sides to this coin. A person who bought land and obtained documents from government authorities would expect those documents to mean something.

If the government officials who allowed an unlawful development to occur are now returning to demolish the structure on the same land, then maybe the government should clean its own house before going after people’s homes. 

Wike’s demolition won’t stop the flooding

Removing buildings from waterways can help restore drainage channels. Clearing road corridors can also make room for infrastructure projects. Protecting green areas can help preserve the planning structure that Abuja was originally designed around.

But flooding is not caused by buildings alone. Blocked drainage systems and indiscriminate waste disposal as other causes.

Abuja’s rapid expansion changed how rainwater moves through the city. More roads, buildings and paved surfaces mean less natural ground for water to soak into. That means the government will need more than demolition exercises to deal with the problem.

Experts say the city functioning drainage infrastructure, proper waste management, consistent development control and a planning system that catches illegal construction before it becomes a multi-storey building.

After moving to the UK in 2023, Elijah (33) had to adjust to the cold, changing immigration rules and life as a minority. In this story, he tells us about the highs and lows of building a life in Scotland, and why he still plans to return to Nigeria.

Where do you live currently, and when did you leave Nigeria?

I live in the UK now, and I left Nigeria in January 2023.

Why did you move to the UK?

I never planned to leave, but I saw an opportunity and decided to go for it. I didn’t even know what would happen when I left. I just took the opportunity and hoped for the best.

What was the opportunity?

A chance to seek a better life. I just packed all my savings one day and decided to leave. I lived in Nasarawa State, so the insecurity, lack of jobs, and the frustration of how the country was made me decide it wasn’t worth staying. I had to find a better life abroad. 

What were you doing in Nigeria before you left?

I was into freelance writing then. I studied Electrical Engineering, but there were no jobs, and I didn’t want to be idle. So, my laptop and internet were my close companions. 

What were some of the biggest shocks when you first arrived in the UK?

The cold. I arrived in January, which is one of the peak periods of winter. I brought a jacket from Nigeria, thinking it was a proper jacket, but when I got to the airport, I realised it wasn’t jacketing. I’d never left Nigeria before, so the cold was one of the biggest shocks of my life.

Was there anything that surprised you about the UK culture when you arrived?

Not really. I had friends who had been here before me. They kept me company and gossiped with me about their experience, what to expect, how to get things done, and what not to do. So, I was eased into the culture. I also stayed indoors for a while before deciding to apply for a course at one of the schools in Scotland.

Though I had no culture shocks when I came, one thing I noticed was that people respect you regardless of your age. When you get to school, people welcome you and are willing to help you. Unlike in Nigeria, where school registration can be stressful, everything was very straightforward.

What did you study in the UK?

I studied Electrical Power Engineering at Glasgow Caledonian University in Scotland.

When you first arrived, how did you sustain yourself financially and emotionally?

I came with some savings from Nigeria, and I used that money to sustain myself before I found something to do.

Emotionally, it was quite easy for me because I had friends here. I stayed at a friend’s house when I arrived, so I didn’t have to deal with much emotional stress. It was actually fun.

How has adjusting to life in the UK been for you?

Adjusting to life in the UK is alright, but it’s not easy because of the immigration policies and visa regulations. 

As a foreigner, you can’t really predict your future here. Sometimes, you can’t even predict what the next one or two years will look like. But I’m in a better place now because I’ve been able to figure out my journey, and everything is going well for now.

What do you currently do for work?

I am a project engineer.

How does the UK work culture differ from Nigeria’s?

There are a lot of differences. The minimum wage system here is a lot better. As a cleaner here, your minimum wage will give you a good standard of living. 

Another is the inclusivity when it comes to men and women working. You would see women driving trucks, buses, and trains. You’d see a lot of women in the engineering field here. Even the work culture is different. Companies adjust to your preferences, especially if you’re a worker with a disability or pregnant. There’s not so much of that in Nigeria.

What are the things you miss most about Nigeria?

I miss a lot of things: the food, the culture, and the weather. I also miss the feeling of freedom.

What do you mean?

Life in Nigeria is so good because you don’t feel caged. Here, you sometimes feel like you’re being watched. You’re always checking whether you’re doing the right thing, especially because you’re a minority.

Every little mistake you make can be blown out of proportion, so you always have to watch your back. In Nigeria, you’re not constantly thinking about those things. You’re free to do things the way you want because it’s your country. Here, you don’t always feel that same freedom.

Has that affected how you live in the UK and how you make decisions?

It doesn’t really affect my relationship with them. I just handle work stuff as best I can, and try not to have issues with anyone.

Have you experienced racism in the UK?

Yes, on a few occasions, especially while working in places where I interact with members of the public.

In workplaces, it’s often more subtle, but when you’re outside and interacting with people in public, it can sometimes be more direct. It’s not something that happens all the time, but if your job requires you to interact with people regularly, you may encounter it.

Can you share one experience?

I was working as a delivery worker at some point. While walking down the street to deliver the package, a stranger looked at me and started saying some racial slurs. I could do nothing and just quickly left. 

How did that experience affect you?

Personally, I knew there was nothing I could have done. I knew that wouldn’t ever happen to me in my home country, but I’m in a foreign country. Whatever you do here and however you react can be blown out of proportion. But mentally, I felt bad because I thought people should have passed the stage of racially abusing foreigners. 

How did you navigate family life after relocating?

I was married before I left. My wife joined me 11 months after I moved because I had to sort out my situation first. When she came, she became part of the experience too. 

Life is alright. It’s even better when you have a partner because you have someone to talk to after work. You can gist, do things together, and share both the pain and the good moments.

The Big Daily is your weekday shortcut to the biggest news shaping Nigeria. We cut through the noise, connect the dots, and explain why the news actually matters, all in one quick read.

What are some things you like about living in the UK that you wish Nigeria had?

The UK is a great place to be. When it comes to culture, people are very accommodating. I think the level of racism here is also lower compared to a lot of other European countries. I have been to Spain and the Netherlands. We even see news about racism. 

Security is another major thing. You can walk around almost any time of the day or drive without constantly worrying about being ambushed or kidnapped.

Affordability is also okay when you’re working. You can afford food and other things because you’re earning here.

But does earning in the UK actually mean you’re financially comfortable?

Not necessarily. It’s quite funny that you don’t automatically become rich just because you’re in the UK. The money you make here, you also spend here.

I was recently sponsored by my company, but I’d already spent money I didn’t have. I had to borrow money to pay for my visa application. For my family and me, the visa application cost between 拢12,000 and 拢13,000.

So imagine someone who has stayed in the UK for several years but doesn’t even have that amount in savings. You make money and can afford your lifestyle, but you barely have a buffer.

If you lose your job for a month or two, you might not survive because you don’t necessarily have a lot of money saved. Unlike in Nigeria, where you might pay your rent once a year, here you pay rent and bills monthly.

So, affordability is okay as long as you’re working. The problem is what happens when you lose your job.

So you are now on a Visa different from the one you came to the UK with?

Yes, it’s different.

Would you ever return to Nigeria?

Yes, 100%. Maybe after I’ve achieved what I want. One of the major things I want to get from being here is experience in my field.

I’m an electrical engineer working in the electricity sector here, which is one of the areas where Nigeria hasn’t improved. But where there’s a problem, there’s always an opportunity.

I want to have enough experience to be one of those people who can help move Nigeria’s power sector in the right direction. 

What do you do for fun outside work?

I play football weekly sometimes, and I go to parties when I’m invited.

I also travel. That’s one of the opportunities you have here that you don’t always have in Nigeria. It’s relatively cheaper to travel to other European countries. You can visit some places for less than 鈧�300,000 or 鈧�400,000 when converted.

On a scale of one to ten, how would you rate your experience abroad?

I’d say eight. The UK has actually been good to me, in terms of opportunities that can offer an affordable lifestyle, experience, and exposure. 

Do you want to share your Abroad Life story? Please reach out to me . For new episodes of Abroad Life, check in every Friday at 12 PM (WAT).

Forty-four children who were abducted from a school in Borno State have now spent 109 days in captivity. Their parents are still demanding answers, but has Nigeria already moved on?

On May 15, 2026, armed attackers Mussa Central Primary School in Askira-Uba Local Government Area of Borno State and abducted dozens of children.

Now, more than three months later, they are still missing. put the number of abducted children at around 42. Later on, put them at 44.

As of today, Tuesday, September 1, the children have now spent 109 days in captivity.

What happened in Mussa?

Mussa is a community in Askira-Uba, an area of Borno State that has experienced years of attacks by insurgent groups.

In May, unknown gunmen attacked the community’s school and took dozens of children. Since then, their families have been waiting for answers: where are they? Who is holding them? When will they return home?

The Mussa community is also close to the Sambisa Forest, a large area that has long been with Boko Haram and other insurgent groups.

That difficult security environment may explain why the rescue operation is complicated. But after 109 days, Nigerians still don’t know exactly where the children are being held or how close security agencies are to bringing them home.

What Nigerians have mostly received are that rescue efforts are ongoing.

The families are still waiting

It’s impossible for the families of the children to put this behind them. On August 20, parents in Uba, demanding more action from the government. The following day, families and community leaders took their to the National Assembly in Abuja, marking 100 days since the children disappeared.

On August 21, Borno Governor Babagana Zulum with the parents in Maiduguri and said the Federal Government and Borno State Government were working to secure the children’s release. 

But there is a difference between saying that efforts are ongoing and showing families that those efforts are actually getting somewhere.

Same old Nigeria

Nigeria has seen other abduction cases this year raise public interest for weeks.

In Oyo State, the of pupils and teachers from schools in Oriire became a major national story. Families, journalists, politicians and Nigerians kept talking about it until the victims were eventually released after 56 days.

The of 15 NYSC members travelling through Kogi on August 26 also generated widespread public attention, with families taking to social media and news organisations providing regular updates as security agencies worked to locate the victims.

In all of these cases, public attention have played crucial roles; When families are speaking, journalists are reporting and Nigerians are asking questions every day, it becomes much harder for a crisis like this to quietly disappear from the public eye.

And while this may seem effective for the most part, it shows a聽 pattern that should worry us all: that the government does not move with urgency around abductions unless Nigerians breathe down its neck. This should not be so.

110 days and counting

For the families of the Mussa children, this is not a story that ended when it disappeared from people’s timelines.

Every day that passes is another day their children are away from home and away from school, with no idea where they are or what condition they are in.

Nigeria is getting used to this pattern, where a kidnapping becomes national news, outrage follows, politicians make promises, and eventually, another crisis takes over people’s attention.

The Mussa children have now spent 109 days away from home. The question is whether the government is doing enough to bring them home. 

It seems that鈥檚 what President Bola Tinubu is doing because he鈥檚 currently asking a United States鈥� court to keep a set of records concerning drug trafficking investigations involving him out of the public eye.

In a 16-page filing submitted on August 28, 2026, Tinubu’s lawyers the US District Court for the District of Columbia to reject a request by American transparency activist Aaron Greenspan for the release of records held by the US Department of Justice (DOJ), Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) relating to allegations of drug trafficking. 

They argued that releasing the records could violate Tinubu’s privacy rights and asked the court to allow the files to stay hidden.

Greenspan has been pursuing the records through a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) filed in 2023. Among other things, he wants the FBI’s files relating to Tinubu and FBI Form 302 interview records covering 1992 and 1993. 

This isn’t exactly a new fight. The records date back to a period when Tinubu’s name appeared in a US investigation involving alleged drug trafficking and money laundering.

So, how did we get here? And why does our president, the leader of the most powerful and populous African country, want to hide who he was and what he did before he became a public officer?

The 1990s files that refuse to go away

The story goes back more than three decades to Chicago, US. In July 1993, the US government filed a civil forfeiture involving funds held in a First Heritage Bank account in Tinubu’s name. Court records show that $460,000 in the account was eventually forfeited to the US through a decree entered on October 4, 1993. 

The decree stated that the funds were either profits of narcotics trafficking or connected to a series of financial transactions violating the country鈥檚 laws.

It was also cleared that the forfeiture proceedings were civil, so it did not amount to a criminal conviction against Tinubu. And so, no jail term for our president. 

However, the case has remained part of political around Tinubu for years, especially because of allegations about the circumstances in which the money was investigated and forfeited.

Tinubu has continuously any wrongdoing.

Pick two 

Greenspan, the American transparency activist and founder of , then records from US agencies through FOIA. His requests included records from the FBI, DEA and other agencies relating to Tinubu as well as records connected to the 1993 forfeiture case. 

In 2023, he took the fight to court after US agencies refused to provide some of the information he requested.

That case, , is the legal battlefield where the latest drama is playing out. 

What exactly is Greenspan looking for?

This is important because 鈥渞elease the FBI files鈥� can sound like there is one mysterious folder sitting in Washington labelled, 鈥淭INUBU: Top Secret鈥�. But it is more complicated than that. 

Greenspan’s requests cover different records, including the FBI’s file relating to Tinubu and Form 302 interview records from the 1992鈥�1993 period. The FOIA dispute has involved the FBI, DEA, CIA and other US agencies as well as different categories of records and exemptions. 

The records are therefore not just one single document or one specific report. And their existence alone does not prove that Tinubu committed a criminal offence. What we know is that US agencies have records relating to drug trafficking and money laundering investigations involving him. And that’s what Greenspan wants to lay his hands on. 

Is the FBI playing it safe?

Before Tinubu’s latest filing, the FBI had already the court for permission to explain in secret why some of the records should not be released to the public.

On August 20, 2026, the agency filed an application before the court and asked to submit an ex parte, in camera declaration. Basically, saying they want to explain to the judge alone in secret rather than say it all in an open courtroom. 

The FBI publicly explaining all the reasons for withholding the files could itself reveal law-enforcement techniques and potentially endanger people’s lives. 

The agency’s position is based on exemptions under the US Freedom of Information Act, including protections relating to investigative methods and personal safety. 

The FBI were eventually to submit the material to the court for the judge’s review, according to reports on the proceedings. 

Tinubu, the man of the hour

Tinubu has now formally intervened in the FOIA case and is the court to reject Greenspan’s push for further release.

His lawyers argue that the fact that some information from the old forfeiture proceedings is already public does not mean that every investigative record relating to Tinubu should now be opened.

They also that the requested files could contain information about a possible criminal investigation that is not currently part of the public record, and that Tinubu retains privacy rights over those records. 

His legal team also challenged Greenspan’s arguments concerning the FBI’s search, the DEA’s document index, redactions and the use of FOIA exemptions. 

In other words, Tinubu’s lawyers are asking the court to keep the existing wall around the records standing.

Why you should be worried

Greenspan is not the only one who wants something from these files. Some political parties and groups want the records out, too. And an average Nigerian should also be concerned about why this back-and-forth is happening over some old files.

The Allied Peoples Movement (APM) has on US authorities to release the records, arguing that Nigerians deserve transparency over information concerning their president. The African Democratic Congress (ADC) and the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) have also Tinubu鈥檚 attempt to stop further disclosure. ADC spokesperson Bolaji Abdullahi said it’s 鈥渟uspicious and that the president should out clean.鈥�

So the matter is beyond being an American court case or a fight over old documents. Nigerians need to see the records connected to the investigations that have followed Tinubu for over three decades.

And that is why this case matters. Whatever the records eventually reveal or don’t reveal, Nigerians deserve to know what is in them and why their president is going all out to ensure it stays in the past. We also cannot have another layer of secrecy added to a story that has refused to disappear. So maybe it’s time we let the cat out of the bag because this is becoming tiring. 

What happens now?

Like a series, we are all looking forward to the next episode of this whole brouhaha,; whether the court will compel the US agencies to release more of the records or allow them to remain hidden.

Tinubu doesn’t want them to be released. Greenspan wants more disclosure. Both are locked in on this fight. And somewhere in the middle is a set of records from the 1990s that has followed Tinubu from his Chicago days into Nigerian politics and now into the presidency.

For now, the court has the file, and the public is still waiting to see how much of it, if any, gets out. But there’s an ultimate question we can’t seem to shake off: Is Mr President hiding something?